Divisions and deficit of liberalism: the misunderstandings of the Italian right

In his beautiful book "For a new right" , already reviewed by myself and other authors in this newspaper, Daniele Capezzone conducted a merciless analysis of the Italian center-right. And this well before the defeat (which seems to me to be really such) suffered during the election for the Quirinale. On the other hand, the re-election of Sergio Mattarella to the presidency of the Republic for a second term has obviously aroused very different reactions. False to say that it came unexpectedly, since it had been understood for several days that many parliamentarians were aiming for an encore to avoid a stall that was becoming dangerous. And it is certainly no coincidence that Mattarella's second mandate was received with some relief on the international level (why not admit it?), Where many allied countries feared the return of the usual unstable Italy and prey to market tensions.

That said, however, it is equally clear that our political system is in crisis. What is most striking in the Italian situation is the absolute inadequacy of almost the entire political class, which translates – as has been duly seen – into the inability of party leaders (or presumed such) to think about winning strategies and solve problems. lying on the table. If you think about it, the two coalitions that have, so to speak, "clashed" in Parliament are actually empty boxes. Or, to repeat a metaphor used by many (including myself), they are two Brancaleone Armies led by unlikely leaders and with very little political flair.

Let's start with the coalition that I believe has lost (although not everyone agrees), and even badly, namely the so-called center-right. It has long been clear that in concrete reality – that of every day – there is no such thing. We have only three parties that each go their own way and that even quarrel more with each other than with their opponents. In this case Matteo Salvini, who has also achieved brilliant results on other occasions, has shown all his limits as a strategist. Someone even had to remind him that the election of the president is not the X Factor or the Sanremo Festival , which has not prevented him from continuing his suicide strategy to the end. At this point, however, it is unlikely that anyone will have the courage to propose him as prime minister in the future.

Also because now the leader of the League proposes himself as a federator within a container inspired by the US Republican Party. Yes, but which one? American Republicans are in great trouble. The majority of the party, it seems, is still close to Donald Trump, while the old establishment is in serious trouble. It is obvious, in any case, that Salvini should clarify which Republican Party he is talking about, otherwise his idea leaves the time it finds.

Another great mystery is Giorgia Meloni. The young leader of FdI probably deludes herself that it is enough to remain firm and alone in the opposition to win votes, which speaks volumes about her strategic vision. Then she even proposed herself as a person capable not only of reunifying, but also of "refounding" the center-right. Ambitious intentions but, hearing her speak, to many the doubt arises that they are only jokes destined – also – to leave the time they find. The only one who once again proves to have a higher caliber is the oldest, even if afflicted with more serious health problems than he himself admits. But Berlusconi's problem, as we know, is not having prepared his succession at the head of the party, being himself prey to an absolute egocentrism.

Capezzone, in the aforementioned volume, identified the "deficit of liberalism" as one of the main problems of the Italian right, and he is right. When I hear Salvini and Meloni speak and think, I do not at all have the impression of being confronted with liberals, but with figures who have very little to do with classical liberalism. After all, their personal political stories confirm that this is the case: it is enough for them to open their mouths to understand that, of liberal, the two have very little.

The great fortune of the Italian right is that on the other side, that is to say in the so-called center-left, things are not going much better, even if it has collected the victory with the second term of a president who comes from its ranks. However, it is a victory given by the opponents rather than planned. Even in this case, many would like to understand what the Democratic Party has to do with the grillini, and why Enrico Letta considers Conte (or Di Maio?) As a natural ally. One can also answer: "for lack of better", but this is not politics. See therefore what has been said above about the others. Even the center-left, in concrete reality, does not exist. There are only people who stay together for convenience.

It is probable that Sergio Mattarella and Mario Draghi, who have already shown that they understand each other very well, will be able to further reduce the space of parties (as many fear). Thus rekindling fears about a possible domination of technocracy. But what is the alternative? At present the two coalitions, however bogus, will certainly not have the strength to impose themselves, even taking into account an international scenario that is posing increasing difficulties.

The post Divisions and deficit of liberalism: the misunderstandings of the Italian right appeared first on Atlantico Quotidiano .

This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Atlantico Quotidiano at the URL https://www.atlanticoquotidiano.it/quotidiano/divisioni-e-deficit-di-liberalismo-gli-equivoci-della-destra-italiana/ on Tue, 01 Feb 2022 03:48:00 +0000.