Presidentialism, majority and Title III: structural and decisive reforms for growth
The Italian center-right has a very specific goal after the match for the Quirinale: to be ready for the political elections that will take place in 2023.
Premise: Italian politics is now hegemonized by the competent and bulky figure of Prime Minister Draghi, but it is essential that the three main parties of the center – together with all the other realities – understand what they want to do "when they grow up". Elections are within reach and it would be an unforgivable mistake to miss them.
It is a pity, however, not to hear from the leaders the proposal for a great, let's call it vulgarly, "constitutional restructuring". It would perhaps be one more reason to push the many possible abstentions to vote.
In short, let's ask ourselves why Italy is the country that grows (or grew, but the discourse does not change) less among European nations. There can be no space for conspiracy reasons, banking or finance: our country suffers from dysfunctions due to specific aspects to be reformed, which can only be improved by a center-right, liberal and republican government.
We want to launch here, dear readers, three "pills" on which we believe that the center-right parties should begin to discuss. Presidentialism, majority electoral system and a radical revision of the economic part of the Constitution. It is time to address structural and decisive issues for the growth of the Italian system.
First. Presidentialism . Already in the Constituent Assembly, Piero Calamandrei, jurist, politician and shareholder par excellence, argued the need to adopt this system for a fundamental reason: presidentialism conditions parties, parliamentarism is conditioned by it.
The presidential system is essential above all for those countries, like ours, characterized by the presence of numerous movements, often ideologically very distant, capable of blurring the birth of a stable government that achieves the objectives set in the electoral program.
The data speak for themselves. Since the birth of the Republic there have been 67 governments in just 75 years. An average of just over a year per executive. Compared to presidentialist France, for example, we have had three times the number of presidents of the Council (30) from 1946 to today.
From this point of view, Piero Calamandrei was prophetic: "In the presidential system, it is easier for a coalition to form which is more likely to be more stable than the illusory one in the parliamentary Republic".
According to. Inclusion of the majority electoral system in the Constitution . Whoever wins is sure to rule for the entire legislature, unless there are internal upheavals in the coalition or the ruling party.
Of course, those opposed to the majority will say that it is not a perfectly democratic system because it is based on “who wins, takes all”: but do we really believe that the conditioning of 3% parties in Parliament is an example of democracy? Is it an example of democracy that Roberto Speranza, leader of a 3.1 percent party and elected with just over 3,900 preferences, can constrain the lives of 60 million Italians with lockdowns , Green Passes and vaccination obligations?
Furthermore, the majority would be able to help both the right and the left. It would allow the creation of two distinct poles, a large center-right that unites the three large parties and all the other minority forces, as opposed to a large center-left formed by Pd, Movimento 5 Stelle and other acronyms, but without small parties capable of blocking or, even worse , capable of bringing down an entire executive.
Third. Revision of Title III on economic relations . Liberal thought was the great absentee during the drafting of the economic part of the '48 Charter. Despite the presence of an authoritative personality Luigi Einaudi, who later became the first president of the Italian Republic, our Constitution is the result of the contagion of the planning and centralist ideology typical of socialism. Clear examples are the art. 41 and 47.
With reference to art. 41, a liberal intervention could consist in the removal of the principle of social utility to which private economic initiative must be destined – a decidedly vague and generic principle that risks centralizing private property in the hands of the state without limits – replacing it with the provision: "The law regulates the exercise of economic activity in order to defend the interests and freedom of the consumer ". Just as Mr Cortese would have liked in the Constituent Assembly, but ignored.
Another opportune intervention could concern the last paragraph, eliminating the state planning of economic activity to maintain only the function of arbiter and controller. Ultimately: “Private economic initiative is free. The law determines the appropriate controls and regulates the exercise of economic activity in order to defend the interests and freedom of the consumer. It cannot damage security, freedom and human dignity. "
Regarding the art. 47, on the other hand, the first paragraph should be revised, according to which the Republic undertakes to discipline, coordinate and control the exercise of credit.
By virtue of the birth first of the EEC (European Economic Community) and then of the EU, in addition to a strong expansion of the free market thanks to globalization, the Republic should limit itself to the defense and protection of popular savings, without any form of centralization and planning. .
The model to be implemented should be that of the Anglo-Saxon “investment trust” , a mutual investment fund capable of changing investments in relation to free market trends, guaranteeing stability and the highest possible economic advantage for the saver. Ultimately: “The Republic protects popular savings and all its forms. It favors access, through the bodies for the concentration of savings, to private ownership of the home, to the ownership of a farmer and to the direct and indirect equity investment of the country's large production complexes ".
We do not believe we are proposing impossible reforms. It is mere common sense to recognize that our country needs a major constitutional restructuring because it has been completely at a standstill for decades. Furthermore, they would allow a clear signal to be given to citizens: the Italian center-right is ripe to lead a new Italian Renaissance.
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This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Atlantico Quotidiano at the URL http://www.atlanticoquotidiano.it/quotidiano/presidenzialismo-maggioritario-e-titolo-iii-riforme-strutturali-e-decisive-per-la-crescita/ on Fri, 29 Oct 2021 03:45:00 +0000.