The pains of the yellow-reds, who in the Draghi government will have to digest the cohabitation with Salvini

The catchphrase of the political debate opened by Mario Draghi's appointment takes its cue from the words of the President of the Republic that accompanied him, namely the launch of "a high-profile government that must not identify with any political formula". Interpreted against the background of an institutional stalemate – as constituted by the non-existence of any majority, center-left or center-right, even in the presence of a triple crisis, health, economic and social – it sounds like a mandate for Draghi and an invitation for the Parliament not to veto the entry of given political forces and not to impose strongly identity presences and claims, as such, completely divisive. So much so that the emphasis is placed on the composition of the government as a "high profile", which certainly cannot concern only Draghi, but the entire ministerial team, with the calling into service of personalities of accredited authority in civil society itself, to competence and curricula.

There seems to be a twofold negative judgment about the inability of the old majority to recompose itself, which shares it all, without entering into that division of the blame between Renzi and his old company cultivated inside and outside the Roman palaces; and, about the overall insufficiency of the Count's team . In any case, according to an already tested model, what shines forth in Mattarella's words is a classic technical governance, at least in its essential features, although not all present in the concrete cases experienced in the past: being born in the presence of an emergency situation that cannot be faced by a clear and solid majority; have a Prime Minister of high professional caliber, but also of no party character; grant him a formally free choice of ministers, characterized above all by a mutual relationship of trust; make them count on a basically open majority; let him carry out a program not agreed upon in the party secretariats.

It is not enough to argue that every technical government is also political, only insofar as it is characterized on the basis of a precise programmatic and operational direction, this is implicit in every government, if the word still has some meaning. To avoid any misunderstanding, it would then be appropriate to replace the word political with party, so as to be able to understand what is meant when Di Maio, Conte and Zingaretti himself ask for a government that is not technical but political. In what sense should it be? Certainly not in the figure of Draghi, whose every word and behavior of his past has been investigated, without being able to draw out that the portrait of a super-competent, undoubtedly elitist by education and career, public but not without a qualified private presence , moderate and pragmatic, wary of any ideological approach and centered on problem solving. Europeanist, but double-faced , because first he signed, as incoming president of the European Central Bank – at the pressure of that Berlusconi who had already made him nominated president of the Bank of Italy – the famous letter in the name of austerity sent to the knight. ; then, as president in office of the European Bank, he pronounced “ Whatever it takes ”, the green light for Quantitative Easing.

The possible presence of ministers expressed by the various parties, who could not be mere bearers of irreconcilable interests so as to paralyze the executive, is not enough to transform it into a political government; because it is or should be taken for granted at the outset that the amalgamation belongs to Draghi himself, who will reserve the final word, keeping firm on the neck of his collaborators the grip on every communication in dissent, at the cost of dismissing them on the spot. And, not even the composition of its majority is enough, because, today, it seems to touch unanimity, with the call out perhaps of a 5-star patrol and certainly of the Brothers of Italy, so as not to give any a priori imprint to the government.

Here lies the greatest suffering of the 5-star consortium, Pd, Leu, with Zingaretti claiming the great victory over Renzi, for holding together the future center-left coalition, exactly the one that Renzi wanted to smash. This is without taking into account the heavy mortgage placed by Conte in his spectacular goodbye, as leader not only of the 5 Stars, which promises to make it the first party of the future Parliament, but also of the coalition, baptized as the Alliance for sustainable development .

Except that the 5 Stars find the man of the banks indigestible, opposing him the strenuous defense of the programmatic points of identity, starting with the citizen's income; and the 5 Stars and the Democratic Party do not digest at all the cohabitation not so much with Berlusconi, rehabilitated as a great statesman, according to a less bloody technique than the post mortem one of Soviet Russia, but with the League. Keeping the center-left compacted – where, however, having escaped Renzi, the center should be represented by Tabacci certainly not by the 5 Stars – is an important result; but the fact is that the trait-d'union was that of a bulwark against the foam of populists, sovereigns, Trumpians, with a very clear demarcation of the perimeter of a democratic, constitutional, pro-European majority.

Now that, however, with the blessing of Mattarella himself, to whom the Democratic Party who expressed it certainly cannot say no, everyone is called to rescue the Republic, without any distinction between saints and devils, from the parts of the Nazarene we continue to talk of an "Ursula majority", hoping that Salvini is called out; and, in any case, assuming it is obvious that what counts, if only for the strength of the numbers, will be the compactness of the 5 Stars, Pd, Leu. And, in addition, we are consoled by the fact that the center-right presents itself disunited, because, even if Berlusconi and the League will give a yes, the Brothers of Italy will remain on the Aventine, certain of profiting, to the detriment of its allies, the annuity to be the only significant opposition force. Berlusconi's yes is obvious, given his past, without needing to evoke the otherwise inevitable risk of a split of Forza Italia; the Lega's yes is less obvious, but can be well explained on the basis of the weight of the North and the recognition that will ensue as a responsible force also at European level. Thus the center-right will find itself divided, but it has already proved to be extremely flexible, in the sense of always recovering solid unity in electoral recurrences, where it results as an extremely competitive coalition.

Draghi's itinerary will not be easy at all, once a largely artificial consensus has evaporated. It can be assumed that the character will be extremely skilled, both in the choice of ministers, which, if it concerns party personalities, it will be done with the sling, to avoid the existence of imbalances in the dosage and the presence of overly characterized subjects; both in the definition of the program, which, if it touches on strongly identifying issues, will be carried out with extreme balance, to exclude extreme allergic reactions. Here his technical competence will save him, such as to be able to invent compromise solutions, which save the principles even at the expense of their operational variations; as well as its ability to concentrate on the organizational aspects of the vaccination plan, of the Next generation plan project, of the labor market, without making medium to long-term reforms, if not within the limits required by the EU.

A first problem will depend on the institutional weakness of the executive, within a strictly parliamentary system, as packaged in the climate of uncertainty that preceded the political elections of 1948, which was solved with a crescendo that culminated in the Conte- bis , by means of decree-laws packaged in a hurry, conversions made with the trap of trust issues, the usury invention of an extra-ordinary source, constitutionally borderline , such as the decrees of the President of the Council of Ministers. But this parliamentary deficit required the existence of a well-structured and defined majority, which would allow, albeit with severe stomach ache, to be marginalized if not expropriated; now, however, this will no longer be the case, with the consequent growth of the initiative of a Parliament no longer caged a priori , especially where there will be a large space deliberately left empty by Draghi, starting with the electoral law and ending with the reform of justice.

Draghi is not a person to be frightened, if he accepts he will do so with good reason, bearing in mind that one thing is now, where he is leaving the port, among cheering people; and a different account will then be, in an already seething open sea. Certainly he will be able to count on the unconditional fear of the center-left to go to the political elections, just as he is negotiating to deal with the administrative units jointly, which is anything but easy, given the mortgages placed on Rome by the 5 telle and on Milan by the Democratic Party. But before reaching the white semester, a kind of free exit for everyone, he has to set aside a lot of hay in the farmhouse, with the cross perception by public opinion of a significant change of pace. If, then, he is elected president of the Republic …

The post The pains of the yellow-reds, who in the Draghi government will have to digest the cohabitation with Salvini appeared first on Atlantico Quotidiano .


This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Atlantico Quotidiano at the URL http://www.atlanticoquotidiano.it/quotidiano/i-dolori-dei-giallo-rossi-che-nel-governo-draghi-dovranno-digerire-la-coabitazione-con-salvini/ on Sat, 06 Feb 2021 04:56:00 +0000.