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Brothers of Italy, Meloni and the boomerangs of the Democratic Party on fascism

Brothers of Italy, Meloni and the boomerangs of the Democratic Party on fascism

The insistence of the Democratic Party that attacks Giorgia Meloni, attributing to her a certain contiguity with fascism, is on the one hand phony and on the other hand deleterious and counterproductive for the same Democratic Party. Here's why: Gianfranco Polillo's analysis

The insistence with which various members of the Democratic Party attack Giorgia Meloni, attributing to her a contiguity with fascism, can have counterproductive effects for the left itself. Apart from any other consideration, it is not nice to think that "exams never end". Because, if that were the case, many would have to undergo the same corvee. It should not be forgotten, in fact, that fascism, like communism, were linked to a particular moment in the historical event. Without necessarily wanting to call on Ernst Nolte, it cannot be forgotten that in Italy it was also a consequence of the “red two-year period”. And that in Germany at the origin of the birth of Nazism there were the insurrectional attempts of the Spartacist movement.

It should only be added that the northern border of Germany itself was heavily garrisoned by Bolshevik troops. Which, since 1922, responded to the orders of Joseph Stalin. Whose spirit, apparently internationalist, as Vladimir Putin himself will demonstrate, was nothing more than a fig leaf intended to hide the nationalism and populism of Holy Mother Russia. Thinking therefore of a possible return of fascism, without contextualizing it, is only a propagandist joke, easy to reveal.

One could reply: but Brothers of Italy, in proposing presidentialism, above all has Viktor Orban in mind. The controversial Hungarian leader. Simple process to intentions. Presidentialism, as a form of government, exists in several countries: from France to the United States. Why then focus on Orban, when in the annals of the Italian Parliament, starting from the bicameral of D'Alema (report by Cesare Salvi on the form of government), in order not to go back to the Constituent Assembly itself, that hypothesis still had the right of citizenship?

Not very solid arguments, as we can see. Characterized by a polemic vis which, as we said at the beginning, can backfire against the naive agitators. Imagine, in fact, if, despite the anathemas, the elections confirmed the polls, giving Giorgia Meloni the leadership of the center-right and therefore of the country. For the left it would not be just a bad blow, but a sensational defeat. In other words, it would demonstrate the existence of a mature country which, unlike a part of the political class, no longer needs to evoke the ghosts of the past. Not only a significant fracture would result. But there would finally be that definitive national reconciliation that even leftists themselves had tried in vain to evoke in past years.

So be careful: certain instrumental polemics can only accelerate, making one of those rhetorical constructions on which the left has founded much of its identity fail. Which, at least from our point of view, would not necessarily be a damage. It was 1996, when Luciano Violante, just elected Speaker of the Chamber, delivered the famous speech on the boys of Salò, inviting us to reflect on the "losers of yesterday". To "grasp the complexity of our country" and "build Liberation as a value for all Italians" by pushing them to "fight for … the future" of their country to "love it", to "want it more prosperous and more peaceful".

And even more distant in time (from 1965) was the work of Renzo De Felice, on Fascism and Mussolinism. Eight volumes of hundreds of pages, in which the history of that period had been plumbed without leaving anything to chance. Lights and shadows. Gestures of generosity and cowardice. Like all things in this world. The result was a powerful image of that period, which clashed with the stereotypes of militant culture. And for this reason, although the volumes were published by a prestigious publishing house like Einaudi, they were put on the index. And the author branded a "revisionist".

Previously it was Togliatti himself who defined fascism as a "mass reactionary regime". As if to underline that consent, albeit passive (but who can say?) That had characterized it. And which in any case, compared to Depretis' Italetta, represented a strong modernization (once again passive?) Of the old Savoyard state. That then the relative landing was also the imperialist push can be there. But do not forget that the imperialism of the time was nothing more than the historical evolution of the Western capitalist system.

How many errors, then. Especially how many delays accumulated. Which did not do Italy good, exasperating that anomaly, represented by the presence of the strongest Communist Party in the West, which lasted well beyond the fall of the Berlin Wall. One would almost want to say that if Giorgia Meloni's victory is to serve to normalize national history, bringing Italy closer to other European countries, then that victory is welcome. Even after years of Luciano Violante's invocation, it will be the beginning of a new phase. In which the Italians, no longer prisoners of biased politicians, will finally be able to divide themselves, eventually, on what to do, rather than on a past history. That no one is able to change.


This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Start Magazine at the URL https://www.startmag.it/mondo/fratelli-ditalia-meloni-e-i-boomerang-del-pd-sul-fascismo/ on Tue, 16 Aug 2022 07:05:10 +0000.