Is Luigi Di Maio’s project Macron-like?
Gianfranco Polillo's analysis
“Together for the future”: this is the name chosen by Luigi Di Maio, to give life to a movement that wants to make us forget its grill origins. The name seems to evoke that of “Ensemble” the coalition of acronyms which, in France, supported the election of Emmanuel Macron in his double race for the Elysée. And which, in the last legislative elections, confirmed itself as a relative majority force, albeit losing consistency. Definitely a big leap forward by the Italian Foreign Minister, if only one compares this choice of his to the old support given, during the yellow – green government, to the French gilets jaunes.
Simple assonance? We will see it in the next few days. Ensemble, as mentioned, is a coalition that brings together seven parties. La République En Marche, known simply as En Marche, was founded in 2016 by Emmanuel Macron, then Minister of the Government of Manuel Valls and later became President of the French Republic. The Democratic Movement (MoDem) created on May 24, 2007, by François Bayrou, leader of the Union for French Democracy, a centrist political movement of democratic and liberal inspiration. Horizons (Horizons) with its center-right position was founded in October 2021 by the mayor of Le Havre and former prime minister Édouard Philippe.
Also on the right, Agir, (Agir, la droite constructive) was founded on November 16, 2017 following a split from I Repubblicani. While on the left, Territoires de progrès (TDP ou TdP), the reformist movement, created in January 2020 by the ministers Jean-Yves Le Drian and Olivier Dussopt. With the addition of the Radical Party (PR), also known as Valoisien (from the name of the Valois square in which it was based), established in its current form in 1971 and the official heir of the Republican, Radical and Radical-Socialist Party founded in 1901. And finally, En commun (EC), the ecological political party created in April 2020 around Barbara Pompili, d'Hugues Renson and de Jacques Maire, deputies of the La République en marche group. All in the wake of an old tradition: the one that had allowed Francois Mitterrand to unite the socialists, scattered in the various clubs, at the Épinay congress, back in 1971. And thanks to this operation, conquer the Elysée twice. .
As it would seem, not just a nominalism, but, on closer inspection, an indication of method. In fact, what could be the political space of the new formation led by Luigi Di Maio? The Italian reality shows a strong presence on the right (Fratelli d'Italia) and on the left (PD). Forces which, in turn, are able to federate with other movements, to increase their specific weight. How much? It is difficult to say. If they were still so vital, Italy, with its bipolarity, would not have Mario Draghi as Prime Minister. Great character, but definitely an outsider with respect to politicizing politics. But above all it would not be a prisoner of such a variegated and contradictory majority.
The strength, but also the limit of the two forces just considered lies in tradition. Both represent pieces of national history. A parachute, especially in a period of crisis, when at least part of the electorate is looking for a safe haven. But slow and awkward in looking to the future. Prisoners of that same inheritance that prevents them from convincingly grasping the ferments of those who would like something different. More in line with that social development that characterizes any society. All aggravated by the weight of a demography which, in Italy, certainly does not favor innovation and generational turnover. And with it the emergence of new ideas and sensibilities.
This explains the enormous political space existing between the two extremes, in the sense indicated above. A world currently inhabited by different characters – Giovanni Toti, Luigi Brugnaro, Carlo Calenda, Matteo Renzi – who deserve the credit for having shaken the tree, but for not having been able, at least so far, to reap the fruits necessary for a change system. There are various reasons for this failure. Too ahead of its time, the encumbrance of a previous history, not representing, with the necessary incisiveness, the world of the emerging: above all young and professionalized. Maybe? Their ability, however, has failed to go beyond building small teams, such as those that make up Ensemble, but which do not have a federative force over their heads.
From the first statements made by those who will follow Luigi Di Maio in the new adventure, a confused awareness emerges, which bodes well. What has just ended will not be a simple parliamentary revolution, as there have been so many in Italian political life. From "future and freedom" by Gianfranco Fini, to the "New center right" by Angelino Alfano. It is no coincidence that all ribs were born from the creature of Silvio Berlusconi, perhaps the most refractory in taking note of the inexorable necessity of the changing seasons. Not only from the meteorological point of view.
Taking the English tradition as a term of comparison, it would seem that the new parliamentary group intends to transform itself into a real political party. It would do so by looking at Italian society, relying mainly on those generations that it already represents in some way. It should, at least according to the intentions, groped to federate forces already operating in the field, following the example of Ensemble. But why them and not Calenda, Renzi or any other character? First of all because the initial consistency is different: not a leader but a group. But above all because we are faced with stories that do not have the same common denominator. And this is perhaps the element that can attract those, like Giuseppe Sala or Dario Nardella who, at least until now, have decided to stay at the window, simply continuing – which is no small feat – to do their job as mayor.
This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Start Magazine at the URL https://www.startmag.it/mondo/di-maio-macron/ on Wed, 22 Jun 2022 15:38:50 +0000.