The center-right and Berlusconi between history and news
More than a political reading, I fear that the proposal of the single party of the center-right formulated by Silvio Berlusconi by participating, in the manner now imposed directly or indirectly by the pandemic, in the meeting of the MEPs, and therefore colleagues, of his Forza Italia needs a psychological reading. . With which he therefore went well beyond the federative project proposed by the Northern League leader Matteo Salvini. Who was the first to be amazed, if not downright annoyed by the ally's exit, having touched the resistance created in recent days and weeks, and even exploded, among the forcers and the leaguers themselves against his project while more modest, and limited to the two center-right parties involved in the government and the majority of the national emergency of Mario Draghi.
A single party of the center-right necessarily involves the involvement of the Brothers of Italy by Giorgia Meloni, who sits comfortably in the opposition, even encouraged by a Draghi who, unlike what his predecessor Giuseppe Conte did with the center-right entirely opposed to his government, he receives it and, more generally, treats it with all possible respect and attention.
It is not clear why the young and rampant "Giorgia", as everyone now calls her even in the headlines, sparing her surname, should lend herself – and in fact she has no intention of doing so – to an operation that could somehow reduce her its oppositional charge and thus also halt or even reverse the electoral growth process that has clearly emerged from the polls. It has already allowed it, however, to overtake the League in the center-right, albeit slightly, by giving it the new traction of the line-up in the perspective of the next political elections. After which, according to an agreement that has already worked with Salvini and which certainly would no longer make sense in a single party, rather than in a coalition or federation, the leadership of the government, or of the opposition, rests with those who have taken the most votes. .
There are those who attributed to Berlusconi, between the lines and the words, what he does not deserve, having shown a rapid learning of the political profession, recognized by the late President of the Republic Francesco Cossiga while many still dismissed him as a lucky entrepreneur, and maybe even very good, but an amateur politician, improvised and so on. In particular, I saw Berlusconi attributed, for his proposal of the single party of the center-right, the interest in compacting the center-right line-up in the climb to the Quirinale, in view of the expiry of Sergio Mattarella's mandate.
Although this has become the nightmare of newspapers like Il Fatto Quotidiano and Domani, which chase each other in fear and demonization of the former Prime Minister, I refuse to believe that he really thinks about the possibility of being elected to the top of the state. from this Parliament, no matter how much consensus he can get among the delegates of the regions with a prevalent center-right majority, and how many deputies and senators the very hostile 5 Star Movement has lost along the way since the beginning of this legislature. But then what need would a naive and optimistic Berlusconi have to secure the support of the post-Finian right, let's call it that, if Meloni herself has just assured or made it clear in one of her frequent television performances that she has no foreclosure, indeed to be willingly willing to vote him as a candidate for the Quirinale? Come on, let's be serious.
As I said, the reading that Berlusconi's project of a single party of the center-right deserves is quite different, moreover much more ambitious than the one launched in the autumn of 2007 in Milan from the running board of his car, in Piazza San Babila. It was then a question of bringing together his Forza Italia, bushes, splinters and anything else of the Christian Democratic and secular centrism of the so-called First Republic and the National Alliance-post Social Movement of Gianfranco Fini into the Party of Freedom, with the exclusion therefore of the League still led by Umberto Bossi. It is a more psychological than political reading, as I said, that the new Berlusconi project deserves if even a force senator like Gabriella Giammanco has defined it as a "visionary".
Without wanting to be hasty and rude like the cartoonist Stefano Rolli, who in the 19th century imagined Berlusconi on the step of a wheelchair instead of a car, and having more respect than a man I met and frequented, and with whom I also worked, I think that the dimensions in which he is led to think about his age, and with all the ailments and ailments he has faced, are far greater than those attributed to him.
More than an objective within reach, from which to derive who knows what immediate advantage, I felt in the sortie with the MEPs the generous indication of a bequest, almost the protection of a patrimony he patiently built. Berlusconi did not know or wanted, maybe first he did not want and then he did not know how to really indicate and cultivate a dolphin, but this does not mean that he is indifferent to the development and destiny of a center-right who is rightly convinced that he had the courage to build in Italy, while politics was beheaded in the public prosecutors, paradoxically, amid the applause of a part of that same center-right.
This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Start Magazine at the URL https://www.startmag.it/mondo/i-veri-fini-di-berlusconi-sul-partito-unico-di-centrodestra/ on Sat, 19 Jun 2021 04:41:55 +0000.