History and chronicle of the relations between the 5 Star Movement and a part of grillism
The troubles of the grillini are like matryoshkas. Each of them contains others. The deportation proceedings launched against the parliamentarians who denied their trust in Mario Draghi's government also put the board of three arbitrators in crisis. One of which – Raffaella Andreola – challenged the legitimacy of the expired regent of the 5 Star movement, Vito Crimi. Instead, he immediately acted as shoulder to a furious and bouncer Grillo, proposing himself in the irritating definition of “minor hierarch” given to him by the late and historical director and conductor of Radioradicale Massimo Bordin. Those were the times when Crimi as Giuseppe Conte's undersecretary at Palazzo Chigi was mobilized against the broadcaster created by Marco Pannella.
The risk of expulsion, after 90 exits or expulsions from the grillino movement out of the 335 elected in 2018, has divided the dissidents into two parts: one determined to resist the alleged violations of the rules even in the courts, hoping to find the famous judge in Berlin of the fable attributed to Bertold Brecht, the other attempted by other destinations between the Chamber and the Senate, but above all to the Senate, where the regulation and the numbers would fit better to marry into another group using some disused abbreviation, let's say, even at the cost of imitate the much hated Matteo Renzi. Who, not kicked out but spontaneously left the Democratic Party with a lot of parliamentarians in tow, numerically sufficient to form an autonomous group but inevitably lacking an acronym subjected to the vote in the previous political elections, asked for and received hospitality from the Lilliputian Psi of Riccardo Nencini.
With the instinct and speed of the felines of his Molise land, the Grillini rebels saw Antonio Di Pietro materialize in front of them, directly or through the headlines. Whose Italia dei Valori, not to be confused of course with Renzi's Italia Viva, despite having both the same acronym that damn it can lead to error when it comes to it, is now relegated to the offal of the Senate archive. But it could prove useful to Grillini dissidents, especially those who still remember the excellent relationships of friendship and work that Di Pietro had at the time with the co-founder of the 5-star movement Gianroberto Casaleggio.
There was no lack of immediate attempts by Di Pietro to approach the Grillino movement due to affinity of judgment on the political class, in general, and aspirations to radical measures of contrast, but the pentastellated leaders were so launched and self-confident that they substantially shrugged the Molise by now in crisis of consensus. And then, they frankly seemed more attracted to magistrates still in service than to the former ones, like the Palermo prosecutor Nino Di Matteo. Who depopulated as a guest among the grillini, despite being destined to cause them bitter disappointments or embarrassments, for example by publicly contesting the Minister of Justice Alfonso Bonafede, who had offered him the direction of the Penitentiary Department upon arrival in via Arenula, as the Higher Council of the Judiciary but then he preferred another. The affair did not fail to cost the position of the then Minister of Justice, once the case had exploded, for the usual timeliness with which Renzi rode it, except to give it up, always as usual, at the last moment.
Now I do not know which of the two Di Pietro existing in the re-enactments of his judicial enterprises is more suited to the housing needs, let's call them that, of the Grillini rebels. Yes, because there is an original Di Pietro, the one who made his fans wear t-shirts from dreams of handcuffs in 1992 against the "wild boar" Bettino Craxi and all the other socialists accused or only suspected of bribery practices, and a derivative Di Pietro after many years of his own reconstruction of the mythical “clean hands” investigations on Espresso. According to which Craxi was almost an involuntary, casual victim of that investigation, having limited himself to practicing the illegal financing of politics like everyone else and having instead been another – the then Prime Minister himself Giulio Andreotti – the target bulk of the research conducted by Di Pietro as deputy public prosecutor in Milan. It was on the Andreotti a substantial point of reference for the companies that shared out the contracts, especially in the territories controlled by the mafia, that Di Pietro thought he could clamorously and metaphorically put his hands on him.
The trauma of this revelation was such in the parts of the Daily Fact that poor Di Pietro had to lend himself to a supplementary interview to clarify that yes, Craxi had not been the only one to practice the illegal financing of politics but he was still the worst, so he would have deserved the end reserved for him by the mixed courts of magistrates and of the people. And so things all returned to their place, at least – I repeat – from those media parts.
This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Start Magazine at the URL https://www.startmag.it/mondo/di-pietro-movimento-5-stelle-cosa-succede/ on Sat, 27 Feb 2021 07:00:41 +0000.