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Why does the center-right continue to be on the bench?

Why does the center-right continue to be on the bench?

Why does the opposition not upset the games of the left and make a dry name, like that of Mario Draghi or who for him, for a War Cabinet? Italics by Paola Sacchi

Given that the writer has been and always remains convinced of the fact that we should have gone to vote as early as autumn 2019 when Matteo Salvini pulled the plug on Conte 1, the fact remains that certain first reactions from areas of the right rather than the center of the opposition in the face of the resignation of Count 2 reminded us of a famous gag by Corrado Guzzanti. The one in which, in reverse, in the face of the possible resignation of Silvio Berlusconi the left-wing comedian imitating, in a hilarious way, Francesco Rutelli said to the much opposed Cav: "Berlusco 'what are you doing, mo' you resign ?!".

This impression refers more than to the leaders to a certain editorial-cultural area of ​​hard and pure opposition for which Conte and the so-called "casalinate", that is the disputed and unprecedented communication methods of the spokesman Rocco Casalino, have so far been the bread of the battle daily.

We do not know if Conte will return in a ter edition, but last night there were those who already even in these areas of the opposition took it for granted, although certainly not approving it.

However, there is a large part of the country, a country where the center-right governs the vast majority of the regions, which really hopes not and that this hypothesis would not even want to consider.

It is Italy that does not live on talk TV or on social media, Italy in flesh and blood bitten by the double crisis, not only health but also economic.

It is clear that Matteo Renzi has won this first part of the game for now, however you think of him and in any case it will end, becoming in fact, beyond any further electoral reforms, the actual needle of the balance that has moved the waters of a blocked situation.

Unfortunately, the opposition, even with its just requests which, moreover, largely match those of the leader of IV, in this situation risks playing the part once again of the player on the bench who without a plan b stops at the unheard request. always: elections.

It is rightly remembered that in many other parts of Europe and the world people have gone and will vote despite the pandemic. Given that for the writer it would be right to do so because according to the numbers of the regional elections there is now a clear discrepancy between a center-right or right-center majority country and a government or other minority governments in the center-left country, but it should also be remembered that foreign elections of which we talk a lot are not anticipated, but all or almost at the end of a mandate.

And in any case, in politics, plans are always needed. Like that of a War Cabinet or "government of the best" as the number two of Forza Italia Antonio Tajani defined it last night who, as Berlusconi had already done, speaks of two options now: or emergency, institutional, national government out of three points from vaccines to businesses or elections. This, Tajani specified, would not be the so-called "Ursula majority", which led to the victory of the president of the EU commission, an expression of the EPP, where the Italian votes of FI were then joined by different forces such as five-star votes and the Democratic Party in the PSE, which , Tajani recalled, was prevented from having the president because the EPP was the majority party.

This therefore means that in the "government of the best" in Italy there should be not only Fi, but all the center-right which instead (Lega and FdI) did not go together in Brussels on that vote. Since the League, a party with more consensus than the coalition, in Brussels is not in the EPP, but with forces like that of Marine Le Pen or the German nationalist Afd, an alliance that still constitutes an objective problem in the eyes of the establishment to overcome the examination of "Europeanism", however you think. Although Matteo Salvini has stressed on several occasions that the League wants to reform the EU and certainly not leave the euro. As did Meloni, who heads the Conservatives and reformists.

But in times when Italy objectively depends on Europe for the Recovery Fund, it is clear that those that are seen or branded as a gap weigh, and how, are used as alibis.

Precisely for this reason, since it is difficult to go to early elections precisely because the center-left does not intend to give the center-right the decisive role in the election of the Head of State in 2022, because the opposition does not disrupt the eternal games of a left that has always if he sings it and plays it? And doesn't he make a dry name, like that of Mario Draghi or who for him for a War Cabinet?

It would also be a way of not giving Renzi the part of the winner or in any case the liberator from Count 2. And, last but not least, not to find oneself one day after the 2023 elections to rule over the rubble caused by anti-business and welfare policies such as the citizenship income dear to the 5 Stars. To whose degrowth policy Salvini himself had the merit of pulling the plug, dropping Count 1, who was shipwrecked on the Tav not on amenity from Papeete, and thus forcing the center-left to set up a recollected government.

An executive born against him and the rest of the center-right. Which after a year and a half has in fact promptly shown all the cracks. It would perhaps also be for the leader of the League a way to assert the merit that the much derided Papeete, in the light of the current political crisis, had.


This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Start Magazine at the URL https://www.startmag.it/mondo/perche-il-centrodestra-continua-a-stare-in-panchina/ on Tue, 26 Jan 2021 07:27:52 +0000.