The word patria a nerve for the Democratic Party, accustomed to imposing party and party presidents
I do not think it would have been difficult to guess what Giorgia Meloni meant by the term "patriot", having accompanied it with a double reference, the first positive, attentive to national interests, the second negative, without the Democratic Party card. The latter is very clear, given that it refers to the election of the last two presidents of the Republic, Napolitano and Mattarella: the one, a communist of the first hour, as such moral co-responsible for the entire Stalinist and post-Stalinist path of the PCI, from appreciation of the coup in Czechoslovakia up to the suppression of the revolt in Hungary; the other, from the long Christian Democratic course, arrived with the dissolution of the Margherita in the Democratic Party. Neither, regardless of Napolitano's second election, the son of a preventive agreement with the center-right, so as to make Letta's current claim to choose a person accompanied by an almost unanimity, such as to recall the fable of the fox and grapes, since today, at least on paper, there is no possibility of ignoring Forza Italia, Lega, Fratelli d'Italia.
It is the fall of the illusion of being able to do everything alone, stubbornly cultivated, so much so that the summit of the Democratic Party justified its no to the early dissolution of Parliament, precisely because the current one seemed much more favorable than the one predicted until the other day. for the post-political elections. To argue that, on balance, Napolitano and Mattarella would have been two super partes presidents, is only an opinion that cannot be confirmed in itself by popular consent, which is always expressed for the man sitting at the Quirinale. Napolitano played dirty, not so Mattarella, who, however, is responsible for the current institutional traffic jam, as I argued in a previous article.
Therefore, for Meloni, having the Pd card in her pocket means not being a patriot in the sense of having national interests at heart. Great noise in the progressive mass media , which confirm that they have a nerve with regard to the homeland word itself, as a community united by language, tradition, culture, here witnessed by an imposing monumental and artistic heritage, not understandable if not in the bed formed by the Empire of Rome and the subsequent primacy of Christianity, nothing more and nothing less than a national unity daughter of the Risorgimento. Yesterday, it was an internationalism that resulted in a facade third worldism, today a Europeanism in a manner, in both cases the homeland as a national identity is a notion without the right of citizenship, so much so that it has been carefully avoided, an expression of the right, not not at all dear to the language of the fascist regime, so as to bequeath it to the right.
Too much grace, once the word was rediscovered by President Ciampi, there was a sort of turnaround, with a forcing aimed at distinguishing homeland and nation, violating their indissolubility, recovering patriotism and condemning nationalism. But even this last term could be excessive, here, therefore, transformed into sovereignty, which in itself is anti-Europeanism, understood as a contrast to the explicit plan of the Democratic Party to recover space and credit in a hypertrophic strengthening of the European space, managed by a troika made up of Italy, France and Germany. All the can-can that has been made about the emergence of Draghi as the legitimate successor of Merkel is a confirmation of this, so as to be a primus inter pares between the German chancellor and the French president, with whom the Quirinale Treaty was concluded. , as celebrated as little or nothing advertised in its content.
Sovereignty, as married to Poland and Hungary, inevitably brings with it the accusation of denial of the rule of law, with particular regard to the independence of judges and the protection of new generation civil rights. The first accusation does not enjoy great fortune at the moment, given the loss of credibility of our judiciary, guilty not only of an incredible length of trials, but even more of a politicized management of justice; but, in any case, it is still moved towards a right that would like the distinction of recruitment and career between judges and investigators, not that the effective banning of the currents. The second accusation, on the other hand, is made with a great cash joke, with regard to rights taken for granted, such as the free cultivation of cannabis, the suppression of the crime of murder of the consenting person, the introduction of gender identity, all more or less reforms. less shareable, but expression of an accentuated individualism.
All this regurgitates in the putting on trial of Meloni, this time using her use of the term patriot, but only serves to highlight the background even more, as given by a past not yet set aside which in itself would make her little and nothing reliable as president. of the Council in the eyes of the EU, here called into question in the less noble task of making a possible victory of the center-right fail through a financial boycott, with the Brothers of Italy leading the way. It is almost pathetic the recurrent attempt of the Democratic Party and his companions to obsessively ask others to come to terms with their own past, when they have never done so, limiting themselves, first, to remove it, starting it from Berlinguer, who, on the eve of the collapse of the Soviet Union, he had only come to believe that the propulsion of the 1917 revolution had been exhausted; going then, to consider him completely healed by the election of Napolitano, a real communist of yesteryear.
Anti-fascism has always been the fig leaf behind which the Communists and their heirs have hidden their modesty, but this made sense when they could not openly share the model of Western democracy, vis-à-vis the so – called progressive democracies imposed on the beyond the Iron Curtain. Today it has become a tired dirge, popularized in a series of pamphlets where fascism is separated from its historical context, to the point of making it the distinctive character of a Lombrosian type, endowed with particular physiognomic and character characteristics. Except that when everything is fascism, nothing is fascism, so that today, the fascist attribute has become nothing more than an epithet, connected to any behavior considered aggressive or simply offensive.
Behind, however, there is the threatening shadow of Silvio Berlusconi who, day after day, becomes from possible, probable, from probable more and more certain. The ascent to the presidency of the man from Arcore would mean a real drama for the whole left, it would fully re-evaluate the Second Republic he inaugurated, making the hunt conducted against him with a Milanese proxy revealed to be the director wormy; but it would take for granted the victory of the center-right in the 2023 elections. The barrage is in full swing, certainly Berlusconi is not the best of men, but certainly not a leader without a mythical cursus honoris , which should be recognized at least the merit of having the right has recovered to the democratic dialectic. But we know for the left this is not a merit, but a gigantic demerit, an obstacle to its hoped for inexhaustible hegemony, starting precisely with the appointment of the presidents of the Republic.
The post The word homeland a nerve for the Democratic Party, accustomed to imposing party and party presidents appeared first on Atlantico Quotidiano .
This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Atlantico Quotidiano at the URL https://www.atlanticoquotidiano.it/quotidiano/la-parola-patria-un-nervo-scoperto-per-il-pd-abituato-a-imporre-presidenti-di-parte-e-di-partito/ on Fri, 17 Dec 2021 03:49:00 +0000.