Western leadership to the test of history, it is no longer the time for small-scale cabotage
The 1920s are proving to be the bearers of facts that have undermined the stability of liberal democracies and the international order. First the pandemic hit the West, bringing to light contradictions and trends that now seemed part of the past. Then, the invasion of Ukraine by Vladimir Putin's Russia plunged Europe into a war that could have devastating outcomes.
The appointment with the history of the West is solemn. In a little less than a week since the start of the conflict, we have seen some shaking to the foundations of his plant that are worth examining carefully. The United States has spoken, perhaps recklessly, of "the risk of a third world war", and some are re-evaluating the work of Donald Trump compared to that of a Joe Biden perceived as too weak and compliant. In the United Kingdom, the figure of Boris Johnson, the European leader who spoke clearest of all from the very beginning, has taken up again, bringing with him the whole West on Russia's ban on the SWIFT system of international payments. Brexit appears to have had no effect on the UK's rank in the world. London acts as a vice-US in Eastern Europe (Poland and the Baltic) and collaborates closely with the European Commission on sanctions, as noted by Johnson himself and President Von Der Leyen. NATO has resumed taking on an indispensable role and value in the face of Putin's aggression, and Macron's words to the Economist about his "brain death" seem increasingly risky, as do the French leadership plans for a possible force. European military.
The most important change, however , took place in Berlin and, in turn, in Brussels. Chancellor Scholz – also burned like Macron by the failure of his peace mission in Moscow – supported the ban on Russia from SWIFT proposed by Johnson, decided investments in German defense for over 100 billion euros, blocked authorizations for the North Stream 2 decided to arm the Ukrainian resistance. The EU, in tow, has decided to buy weapons and sell them to a third country for the first time in history. The end of Berlin's Ostpolitik has compacted the West even if in the long run two scenarios have been underestimated. The German rearmament does not go in the direction desired by Washington of a Germany that must not be hegemon on the continent. For this reason, the space opened to the east by the Berlin makeshift is occupied by London, which has doubled its military contingent within the NATO mission in Estonia, sold anti-air defense weapons to Poland, and has positioned itself as a leading increasingly assertive of the Joint Expeditionary Force , which includes the Netherlands, the Baltic and Scandinavian countries.
It's Italy? Just two weeks ago the dominant story-telling was that of a Russia that was withdrawing after Scholz's visit to Putin. Immediately, being able to seize the opportunity to point out a victory for diplomacy over arms, Minister Di Maio met his Russian counterpart Lavrov and organized a possible visit by Draghi to Putin. All put on stand-by now that the reality has presented itself different from what it was appearing to appear. Russia has invaded, and both Draghi and Di Maio have been forced by other European leaders to act as staunch supporters of sanctions that can also be to the detriment of the Italian economy. For Italy – as well as for Germany – the first problem is energy supply, but there is a feeling that the sense of history is lacking in many places which, never as at this moment, seems to weigh like a boulder on politics. and about our society.
While the borders of Eastern Europe are being redrawn, third world wars are evoked, and nuclear defense systems are put on alert, many still seem to live in an era of "the end of history" – never foreshadowing is older. badly – almost annoyed by the eruption of the great questions of world politics in the backyard. Measuring politicians by their attitude in this affair will be fundamental to give the West a credible leadership that is up to its recent history. Recovering the power of attractiveness of democracies and the lifestyle associated with them will be even more essential, considering how many in recent years have lent their side to Russian propaganda, to the lies of the Putin regime and to his attempt – it must be admitted very well conceived – to destabilize the West internally.
Now that the appointment with history is solemnly looming, we can no longer afford the luxury of small-scale discussions and chicken-coop quarrels. Weakness towards Putin is an unforgivable mistake, which could also weigh on future generations.
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This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Atlantico Quotidiano at the URL https://www.atlanticoquotidiano.it/quotidiano/leadership-occidentali-alla-prova-della-storia-non-e-piu-il-tempo-del-piccolo-cabotaggio/ on Tue, 01 Mar 2022 03:47:00 +0000.