Because Giuliano Amato is very little loved by the anti Meloni
This is how Giuliano Amato disappoints the opponents of the Meloni government. Damato's Scratches
The more Giorgia Meloni gets new, the more she occupies the national and international scene, flies to Tunis, returns to Rome to meet the German chancellor and prepares another trip to Tunisia, this time accompanied by the president of the European Commission, the more her opponents end up meeting under the arch of Titus to hunt butterflies. That is to chase someone who manages to look like, at least, a leader or a reference point of the divided and lame opposition. It's a frankly surreal show.
Repubblica , for example, shoots an interview with the president emeritus of the Constitutional Court Giuliano Amato, twice president of the Council, on its entire front page on Thursday 8 June, to make him intimate: "Meloni breaks up with Orbàn". But the next day, Friday 9 June, she is already forced to declare that not by order of Amato but by the free choice of Meloni herself "Italy does not vote with Orbàn" in Luxembourg in the European Council of Interior Ministers on the problem of migrants .
Even more clearly or decisively, the sister company Stampa , who supports Repubblica from Turin, announces that "Meloni is breaking up with Orban", who also loses the accent on the second vowel of his surname on this occasion. In short, things change without the newspapers supporting or replacing the opposition being able to keep up.
In the same interview of 8 June, the sort of "foreign pope" of the opposition Republic receives from Amato more denials or corrections than confirmations to the many questions and observations against the premier: in short, an Amato closer than far from Sabino Cassese and Luciano Violante liquidated a few days earlier contemptuously in the Fatto Quotidiano as "the patriots of Giorgia".
Invited, for example, to identify with "two usually measured people like the Nobel Prize winner Joseph Stiglitz and the former prime minister Romano Podi who complained of a slow erosion of democratic tools in Italy, with the risk of an authoritarian involution", Amato he dismisses by replying: “I have some doubts that this is true. I see traces of a growing fragility of democracy in our country, but I see it even more in the United States. Now the unraveling of some important threads of the democratic backbone can lead to a weakening of the institutions, but I don't see that authoritarian risk denounced by Stiglitz and Prodi”.
It is not said at all – I add – that only Meloni is involved in that "unraveling of some important threads of the democratic backbone" and not also the new secretary of the Democratic Party Elly Schlein, for example, when she does not help a minister to whom she is publicly prevented by the protesters from speaking about one of his autobiographical books and the issues falling within his government competence.
Invited to pronounce himself against the "universal crime" of surrogacy pursued by Meloni, the former Prime Minister acknowledges that it is essentially a technical-legal nonsense but warns: "It was I who wrote fiery words against surrogacy in the ruling of the Constitutional Court. I mention this because I don't want the current crusade of the right to push the Democratic Party to defend itself to the bitter end. Surrogate maturity "intolerably offends the dignity of women and deeply undermines human relationships", as stated in the sentence".
Driven to defend the Court of Auditors "deprived by decree of the power to control the national recovery and resilience plan", Amato prefers to recall that "the concomitant control of the Court of Auditors had been wisely introduced by Renato Brunetta in his reform of the public administration of 2009. It was the classic "collaborative control" that in my opinion a wrong rule – introduced by the Conte 2 government, the one with the Democratic Party – transformed into "punitive control" with the reporting of the responsible administrators. Completely removing that control -Amato explained- is a mistake. I would have been more elegant: I would have restored it in the collaborative way in which Brunetta had thought of it, eliminating the punitive aspects that push administrators not to do anything”. Elegant, says the former Prime Minister rightly known as "Dr. Subtle", not to be confused with defenders tout court of a Court of Auditors raped, raped and so on by the government. Besieged like a fortress by troublemakers accustomed to committing crimes.
Finally, but only for reasons of space, not for the richness of ideas and surprises, Amato is dragged down the path of polemics against the so-called premiership which would compromise the guarantee figure of the President of the Republic, of which he too had supported many years ago the direct election. “Even in the case of the premiership it seems to me – says the former prime minister – that a softer line is prevailing. In fact, the solitary election of the prime minister has been ruled out. Before a prime minister who has direct popular legitimacy, the figure of the head of state would lose his authority. So we are moving towards a path that has already been taken in the past, i.e. the possibility for citizens to indicate in the Parliament ballot the leader they want as Prime Minister, with the addition of parliamentary trust only in him and not also in the ministers " , which would thus be revocable and replaceable without many stories of parties, currents and sub-currents.
"It would be – explains Amato – a very limited constitutional reform, probably shared by a large part of the center-left, and which would not go like this in the referendum which – as President Meloni knows well – is always a risk for the government". If I were Meloni, I would take these words into account. And I would thank.
This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Start Magazine at the URL https://www.startmag.it/mondo/perche-giuliano-amato-e-ben-poco-amato-dagli-anti-meloni/ on Sun, 11 Jun 2023 05:34:15 +0000.