Who will win and who will lose with the end of the Conte government
The crisis of the Conte government analyzed by Gianfranco Polillo
Is there a less traumatic way to get out of the political impasse in which the majority is driven? It is difficult to go through the eye of the needle, but if there is a crack, this can hardly coincide with the definitive recruitment of the "responsible". Apart from any other consideration, it would be a toad that the Democratic Party (and not only) could not swallow. The definitive demonstration of a secularization of politics, after years of proud affirmation of an alleged diversity. That not even the rhetoric of Goffredo Bettini would be able to justify.
For the 5 Stars, however, it would be the final loss. Those who, in the name of their Jacobin purity, wanted to open Parliament like a can of tuna. And now they are betting on the godchildren of Scilipoti. With all due respect to the latter, who at least had the good taste of never wanting to hide his willingness to serve more masters. Perhaps the elites of the two parties may have no qualms about overcoming possible crises of conscience. Paris is always worth a mass: to remember Henry IV king of France. But they could not escape the political consequences of such a choice.
It would not be the victory of Giuseppe Conte against Matteo Renzi, who would have everything to gain from this confused situation, but the defeat of the two party leaders – Luigi Di Maio and Nicola Zingaretti – suddenly transformed into sub-commanders. With an aggravating circumstance: having been forced, to defend the pro-tempore Prime Minister, to pass over principles that, until yesterday, were considered non-negotiable. It had never been seen, not even in the First Republic.
What then is the alternative? In the Italian tradition, conflicts within government coalitions have always been addressed with the instrument of verification. It was the means to re-discuss everything: programs, strategies, appointments and government organization charts. There were no inviolable sanctuaries. Indeed, the contestability of the Prime Minister was the highlight of the discussion. If the negotiation was successful, a new phase opened, otherwise the crisis remained. In general: extra-parliamentary crisis, as the purists of the Constitution complained. But, on closer inspection, it had its own substantial logic.
The verification was in fact the exclusive prerogative of party delegations, which drew their strength and legitimacy from Article 49 of the Constitution. Strength and legitimacy that reduced any subsequent passage in Parliament to a simple formality. Already in the composition of the delegations participating in the negotiation, there was the looming sign of the possible novelty. In fact, government officials generally did not participate, unless they also had party responsibilities. Although less the Prime Minister in office. All being subject to verification.
The logic of that time has not changed. Of course, times are different, but the rules of the Constitution are the same. In the light of these premises it is difficult to think that Giuseppe Conte can fulfill the role of mediator in managing the game. Political decisions are up to other subjects, who must be able to decide in full freedom. Does this mean that Conte should already be considered out? Of course not. But his eventual re-appointment cannot be discounted, even before the negotiations begin. As if there were a prejudice around which to rotate everything else. If this were the situation, it would not be just a Count ter, but, given the parliamentary balance, the birth of a strong candidacy for the succession of Sergio Mattarella.
Things of other times? Not so. In the Second Republic, for example, Giulio Tremonti, when he was the Minister of Economy, had a hard fight with Gianfranco Fini, who was then the leader of the National Alliance. Clash that ended with the resignation of the first. Silvio Berlusconi himself, who in those years carried his Minister of Economy on the palm of his hand, was forced to yield. To the lack of approval by a component of the majority towards a single minister, although this was considered indispensable, there could be no defense. And so Giulio Tremonti was replaced by Domenico Siniscalco who – ironically – he himself had appointed to the management of the Treasury.
As can be seen, the vitality of constitutional rules is independent of the succession of political cycles. Nor can these rules be circumvented by threatening, as Giuseppe Conte has done several times, direct recourse to Parliament. A choice that cannot, even if it wishes, bypass the moment of a collegial verification by the forces that make up the majority. Because trying the parliamentary way, without first having the consent becomes an impossible mission. Which can be easily stopped by resorting to internal procedures, which regulate relations between the various constitutional bodies. So, be careful not to pull too hard (Do you remember Romano Prodi and Franco Turigliatto?) In one wrong move you can lose everything. Beyond the chair of Palazzo Chigi.
This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Start Magazine at the URL https://www.startmag.it/mondo/chi-vincera-e-chi-perdera-con-la-fine-del-governo-conte/ on Sun, 03 Jan 2021 10:04:35 +0000.