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Why are the Italians the most skeptical (or opposed) of military aid to Ukraine?

Why are the Italians the most skeptical (or opposed) of military aid to Ukraine?

The Eurobarometer survey shows about 10% of Italians against military aid to Ukraine. What analysis should be made of this data? The intervention of Emilio Lonardo

A reliable source to feel the pulse of the citizens of the states of the European Union on the main factors of discussion and orientation is the “Eurobarometer” survey channel. This source is credible, from a polling point of view, above all because – unlike national polling companies – it is public, owned by the European Union and analyzes the opinion of public opinion in 22 EU member states with the same methodology. . The consequence is that the sample of citizens involved in the individual countries answers exactly the same questions and it is, therefore, possible to compare the data relating to the public opinion of the individual states with greater reliability than different surveys served up state by state. with different methodologies and similar – but still different – questions.

Between 13 and 24 April last, Eurobarometer surveyed a sample of 26,066 citizens of the Union, of which 1,010 were Italians, on opinions regarding the war in Ukraine. Let's try to compare some data referring to the sample of Italian citizens with the overall sample of citizens of the European Union.

Those who respond in the affirmative to the question whether the EU has responded to the war in a united way, sees 62% of European citizens respond in the affirmative compared to 63% of Italian citizens: total homogeneity. About 30% disagree for both samples. A similar – and therefore homogeneous – result of Italian and European citizens to the question of whether the EU responded quickly enough to the story of the war. Equally there is homogeneity in judging positively the European Union in the actions of support and reception of Ukrainian refugees. On the other hand, Italians are decidedly more satisfied with European citizens than the solidarity shown by the EU towards Ukraine: 86% against 78%.

77% of Italians, compared to 80% of Europeans, fully or substantially approve the European sanctions against Russia and 78% of Italians (against 80% of EU Europeans) European financial support for Ukraine. Instead, the exclusion of Russian media from European TV is shared by 64% of Italians compared to a total or partial sharing by 66% of Europeans, who, however, lead the Italians by 7 points in complete (and not partial) sharing. of this choice. Finally, 59% of the Italian respondents fully or partially approve the sending of European weapons to Ukraine against an approval of 67% by European citizens. In particular, the complete adherence to the European choice sees the European citizens interviewed beat the Italian citizens interviewed by 10%.

What analysis should be made of this data? First of all, it must be borne in mind that the sample of interviewees is identified and contacted via the web. It can be assumed that, therefore, it does not fully reflect those sections of the population less inclined to the use of computer communication tools and that, perhaps, are more present in people who have studied less, who have lower incomes or who are placed in higher age groups. As for the answers, there is certainly a greater distrust of Italians on indirect military support for Ukraine, even if with much lower percentages than those often presented by Italian polling institutes. Here, we should ask ourselves who and why arrive at data so different from those of the Eurobarometer interview and, above all, which media outlets present these data so different that they highlight a strong criticism of Italians to support policies in arms to Ukraine, to the NATO action and the role of the USA.

Above all, however, the introductory question of the Eurobarometer questionnaire can help us in the analysis of these differences, held by the writer – as in a good detective story – as a conclusive and perhaps decisive element of the difference in reactions of Italian and public opinion. European Union on the issue of arms to Ukraine. Italians, with 58% against 41% of Europeans, claim to follow the news on the war in Ukraine several times a day! Why this relevant difference? "My dear Watson: the Italians are the most informed about this war!" And Watson would reply, this time, to Holmes: "I disagree: perhaps Italians are mainly informed by some media rather than by others!". No one will be able to say whether Holmes or Watson is right. However, Watson makes some deductive hypotheses that are not strange. What are the main daily news media today? Print newspapers, online newspapers, short news from online portals, information TV programs, news on social networks. Paper newspapers and also, in part, online, are usually read (for those who read them) only once a day, not "several times a day", as many Italians interviewed say. We document ourselves "several times a day", on the other hand, on TV and "social". It may be that it is the quality of the information that changes, to produce, in some responses to the Eurobarometer survey (those on military aid to Ukraine), a substantial difference – even if not enormous, as emphasized on some of our TVs – between the orientation of Italians and that of other Europeans.

So, leaving Holmes and Watson to their chatter, let's try to hypothesize what may have really affected the particularity of the opinion of about 10% of Italians against military aid to Ukraine. Several times a day you watch TV, full of information and live arguments about the war, and social networks, full of fakes and quarrels between old friends who, obviously, do not have much to do. Because the newspapers, printed or online, by fixing opinions and positions in black and white, without the fight live, keep "in the records" what one affirms and are easily denied when they run into falsehoods.

Some programs of Italian television channels – both private and public – help to disinformation, to make audiences in favor of their presenters or for their ideological orientation. In fact, to call on strategies and ethics to discuss strategies and ethics by second-rate cartoonists, by now forgotten cartoonists or the promoter of the most useless referendum in human history, the one on public water (which, in fact, despite winning, has not produced any change, except for those who have shown themselves up with that bizarre referendum question), comparing them with real experts or accredited thinkers, can only create confusion and induce many viewers to consider motivated opinions of educated people and pure statements without basis or information on the same level , nor logic. Then there are broadcasts whose conductors knowingly operate an anti-Western strategy. And Italy, on this ground, has fragility that other countries, in which the political clash over the decades has been less radicalized between pro-Americans and pro-Soviets, do not have.

For social media, however, the speech is simpler and more complex at the same time. But even this communication channel, which is used a lot in a careless way by some Italians, sometimes hides pitfalls with which disinformation pastures its potential victims.


This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Start Magazine at the URL https://www.startmag.it/mondo/perche-i-cittadini-italiani-sono-i-piu-scettici-o-contrari-rispetto-allaiuto-in-armi-ucraina/ on Sat, 04 Jun 2022 05:23:22 +0000.