Why is anyone who yells at Salvini a little framed on justice is wrong
The Scratches of Damato
Of course, the initiative to be entangled, so to speak, that is, to adopt Marco Pannella's referendum practice on the road to a radical reform of justice, unsuccessfully attempted for decades, was entirely by Matteo Salvini. Which has even displaced the radicals in their different souls or currents, however they rushed to the request for help and collaboration from the Northern League leader. But let me think that the first to be pleased with it was Marco Pannella from the beyond, where he will not have found – I believe – the nothing he feared and has not stopped following in his own way the thing that in life he knew how to do like few others with that mixture. of passion, of imagination, of cunning, of unscrupulousness, of obstinacy that did not preclude even the interest and even the sympathy of some Pope: politics.
Please don't tell me, not even by Emma Bonino, surprisingly exposed to the Senate to vote in favor of the trials against the former Northern League Minister of the Interior for the delayed landings of illegal immigrants rescued at sea in 2019, that Pannella never and then he would never have flanked or let himself be flanked by someone like Matteo Salvini. Of which it seems that one cannot help but talk worse and worse without losing the right to belong to a civil community.
Only a few days ago, contributing to celebrate the fifth anniversary of Pannella's death in advance, Saverio Romano even wrote on the Foglio – I repeat, Il Foglio libertario, guarantor and whatever else founded by Giuliano Ferrara with the help of Silvio Berlusconi and Marcello Pera and now directed by Claudio Cerasa – that Matteo Salvini is "a monstrous bully and cazzaro", also in the new version encouraged by the aforementioned Pera and by Giancarlo Giorgetti as relative sovereignist, let's say, aware of the new, supportive course adopted by European Union facing the breakdowns of the viral pandemic.
Pannella did not really discount his opponents, he swore at them even more than Beppe Grillo would have done after him, to the point of mistaking for a "mafia dome", for example, the Constitutional Court opposite the Quirinale. But he never mistook his opponents for enemies to be eradicated, as weeds to be eradicated, as people to be thrown into jail by throwing the key to the cell in the first sewer within reach. And he was capable of admitting his mistakes and apologizing for them in public, as he did with poor Giovanni Leone even after twenty years of having contributed to unjustly removing him from the Quirinale after the completion of the tragedy of Aldo Moro. To the aid of which, albeit uselessly, the then President of the Republic knew and wanted to move more than Pannella himself and others who also contested the so-called line of firmness, preparatory to the murder of the hostage as the epilogue of the slaughter of the escort completed 55 days before in via Fani. And it was precisely the courage to cross that line that cost Leone the instrumental use of the radical moralistic campaign against him prior to the kidnapping of the president of the DC, until he interrupted his mandate six months before the ordinary expiry, as if had been unworthy.
Net of that unfortunate mistake, I repeat, Pannella was a professional of difficult causes, willing to ally himself with the devil to achieve his goals. Only him on February 20, 1982, when the discriminatory policy of the so-called "constitutional arch" theorized by the Christian Democratic left and the PCI made Giorgio Almirante a plague victim, with whom he was afraid to confront even someone like Indro Montanelli on television, who delegated to others, including me, the representation of his Giornale in the political forums: only he, I said, could have the courage to break into the congress of the Social Movement, enjoying its applause. After three years, the Socialist President of the Council Bettino Craxi imitated him in some way when he officially met Almirante in Montecitorio to probe his willingness to vote for the Quirinale, the Christian Democratic Vice President of the Council, Arnaldo Forlani, at the end of the mandate of Sandro Pertini. But the solution of Francesco Cossiga prevailed, preferred by Ciriaco De Mita and supported by Alessandro Natta for the PCI.
Pannella owes the surprisingly reforming function of the abrogative referendum, governed in 1970 – 22 years after the entry into force of the Constitution – only to counter the innovation of divorce. The DC was in fact demanding the implementation of the referendum as a condition for allowing the divorce law promoted by the liberals and socialists to pass at the end of that year in Parliament, with its vote against. The belief cultivated in Piazza del Gesù was that the majority of voters wanted to abolish it. Instead, the opposite happened. And since then the radical leader rode the referendum, promoting it in abundance, to advance the country and the parties that were still solid, before becoming liquid as today. Even if Salvini understood this, however, while Giuseppe Conte mobilized with "his" grillini against the reform of the criminal trial in the pipeline in the Ministry of Justice, that's fine by me, as in Pannella from up there. And patience for the insults I can earn.
This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Start Magazine at the URL https://www.startmag.it/mondo/perche-sbaglia-chi-sbraita-contro-salvini-un-po-impannellato-sulla-giustizia/ on Sat, 22 May 2021 05:15:02 +0000.