In Quarta Repubblica , one of those who pretend not to understand, Cappellini di Repubblica , insists: “Who is comfortable with the Forza Nuova attack on the CGIL? Certainly not on the left ”. Instead, it is convenient only for the left, who can thus surreptitiously ask for the dissolution of the Brothers of Italy, considered a presentable part of Forza Nuova, which is enough to deny it democratic legitimacy with hairy reasoning: they do not do enough to dissociate. It suits the government, which the left through the mouth of the secretary Piddino Letta considers "our stuff", and aims to limit the right to discontent, increase the police state, strengthen the pass, threaten further tightening of personal freedoms. It doesn't take much to see it, but where there is bad faith, no evidence is needed.
The anti-fascist prejudice, the anti-fascist obsession, the biased and stupid idea of ur-fascism theorized by Umberto Eco always comes in handy, preferably in the midst of some election, and the arguments are worse than hairy, they are hypocritical: the right has undisputed Fascist roots, flows through the karst river of fascism from the Social Movement to Giorgia Meloni, the PCI instead was the one that fought the red terrorists and married the democratic turn with Togliatti and then with Berlinguer. Really! We are in the book of dreams that can tell guys like this Labate, guys who at the time of terrorism were not born or sucked their thumbs and do not know that, even leaving out the links with Soviet Stalinism and support for the various repressions in Eastern Europe , the Communist Party covered the nascent Red Brigades as long as it could, it knew their heads, people who came from the party and from the myth of armed resistance. The weapons arrived from resistance deposits, the moral debt was claimed by the Red Brigades. With the partisan leader Lazagna who said to the young, exalted Franceschini: well, for me you are crazy, you go ahead with the revolution, I am going to fish.
The truth is that the PCI has deluded itself into controlling the terrorist effervescences as long as they could and reacted only when it understood that it was no longer able, that the deterrence of the party and the CGIL with its police services was powerless, dominated by the wild bunch of autonomy hustlers, whom the Red Brigades no longer recognized any authority and considered the parent company inconsistent. In short, the prairie was on fire and could not wait any longer. Then the reaction, the active collaboration of the party's spy service, the intransigence with Moro prisoner, the collaboration with the state apparatuses, from the Church in primis, was triggered, belated but decisive. At that point the PCI tried to preserve first of all itself and democratic consociativism. But the family album remained, and still remains the consoling mythology of comrades who were wrong but up to a certain point.
Councilor Majorino insists on the ambiguity of the Melonian right due to fascist suggestions, but would he feel like admitting that the anarcho-communist social centers, his electoral basin, are growths to be removed? As for the Democratic Party, it is a jumble of conflicting sensibilities, but its secretary, coming from utilitarian Cattocomunism, pulls out a clenched fist. It is difficult to amputate a tradition, however embarrassing it may be. Right too? Sure, even right. The MSI had the same problems with the moving and unleashed splinters that escaped from all sides and Almirante kept his work cut out to bring them back to reason, without great results. Here there is a good part of the explanation for the anomalous duration of Italian terrorism, with various sectors of the state taking advantage of it with a view to a more or less authoritarian turn. As that general of the Services said in the aftermath of the change at the top of the RB between Curcio and Moretti, around 1974-75: "Now you will no longer hear about black terrorism, but only about those others".
The state knew in advance and made its moves, what the spy journalist Mino Pecorelli demonstrated punctually in advance with his information agency, OP. The case of Italy has this typical, if you want a pathological one: that all its ideological components have an authoritarian matrix: the social-fascist right, the communist and Leninist left, and even fundamentalist Catholicism. Hence the impossibility of a truly liberal and libertarian sensibility. And if there really is, how there is, how it resists, a problem of heritage, it involves all the parties involved. Right and left have struggled to get rid of their respective waste and the process is not yet over. But precisely for this reason it is grotesque that the left continues to claim the right to assign or deny documents of legitimacy.
This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Atlantico Quotidiano at the URL http://www.atlanticoquotidiano.it/quotidiano/la-carta-antifascista-torna-sempre-utile-sotto-elezioni-ma-ecco-perche-la-sinistra-non-puo-dare-patenti/ on Thu, 14 Oct 2021 03:55:00 +0000.