Here’s how the Zan bill makes feminists discuss
Alessandra Servidori's post
The Zan bill, however, resulted in a venial sin: it made Italian feminists and non-Italians fight. At least he clarified some obscure points to everyone in the text. Almost like funding for biodynamic culture (great esoteric idiocy).
The truth about the Zan Bill is there for all to see: we are investigating the certainly confused content of the Bill with different and highly questionable opinions. In these hours, some have even given a disconcerting interpretation to the Constitution.
Nadia Urbinati, teacher and columnist, said : "If Catholic schools fear the Zan law, let them give up public money". Therefore a hired conception of the freedom of education. It's like saying: if the newspapers disagree with all the decree laws presented by the government, they renounce the state contribution.
A questionable and politically incorrect interpretative criterion of constitutional freedoms and fortunately – as Draghi recalled – we are in a secular state. Yet. Up to now, a feminism concerned that the identity based on the declared gender replaces the identity based on biological sex, with the consequence of a "dissolution of the reality of female bodies", as well as of a new and paradoxical form of discrimination and tacitization of women and feminism that claim the importance of the biological footprint on the construction of the subject. On the other hand, a feminism that in the Zan law, and in the sex-gender-sexual orientation-gender identity sequence, sees nothing problematic and actually sees a step forward, as inclusive as possible, "towards the guarantee of equal freedom for everyone and everyone ".
Finally, a transfeminism feminism ", which accuses the law-critical feminism of wanting to affirm the" false biologism "of an anatomical female identity against gender identities and to exclude transgender people and ultimately to be" the other side of the medal ”of right-wing no-gender movements.
The first position clearly sees the risk of the side effects of the Zan law, with indeed a certain biologism; the second trusts too much in progressive legal language, neglecting its performative effects on movements; the third is vitiated by a prejudice against the feminism of difference, rooted more in the passive acceptance of the taxonomies of Anglophone feminism than in the actual knowledge of the Italian one.
In order not to fall into the trap in which all these positions fall, that is to encourage – being however and at the same time a product – the drift towards the identity fragmentation already present in the feminist and lgbtq + galaxy, a dangerously anti-political drift, which retraces a path already revealed with no exit in American feminism and from which the originality of Italian feminism had long preserved us. This drift consists in conceiving the feminist subject as an algebraic sum – more or less inclusive or more or less excluding – of different social identities, certified as it is not known as if not on the basis of theoretical or legal abstractions, rather than as a political construction based on shared practices. First of all, the practice of starting from oneself, a practice that is open to anyone because it aims to give a voice to anyone on the basis of a desire to share experience and not a claimed or certified identity; and which in its own right generates relationships, alliances, coalitions and conflicts, but motivated by what one does, not by what one is or claims to be; from what is unprecedented and unexpected comes into the world, not from the need for recognition by the world as it is and its laws, whether good or bad. But it cannot claim to force others to recognize a perceived identity and a rewriting of Genesis.
As if sex were optional and not a "trademark" of Nature.
This is a machine translation from Italian language of a post published on Start Magazine at the URL https://www.startmag.it/mondo/ecco-come-il-ddl-zan-fa-discutere-le-femministe/ on Mon, 28 Jun 2021 08:36:42 +0000.